Journal directory listing - Volume 61 (2016) - Journal of NTNU: Linguistics & Literature【61(2)】September
Directory
Collection History of Boyuan Tie with an Analysis and Commentary on the Authenticity of Chi-Chang Dong’s Postscript
Author: Jen-Bang Wang (Department of Language and Literacy Education, National Taichung University of Education)
Vol.&No.:Vol. 61, No. 2
Date:September 2016
Pages:59-102
DOI:10.6210/JNTNULL.2016.61(2).03
Abstract:
The present study used literary research, contextual analysis, and comparative study to analyze the collection history of Boyuan Tie and argues that Yu-Pu Tao’s standpoint lacked evidence that Boyuan Tie was still unknown before Shiqu Baoji’s initial version was finished. Moreover, the author expresses reservations about Tao’s uncertain estimation that Boyuan Tie would have been in the Qing Palace in the 10th year of Qianlong, or the following January. This study found that before the book was finished in Oct., 1745, Boyuan Tie was recorded and held in the imperial study room, and then moved to the San Hsi Tang no later than Oct. 29th in the 10th year of Qianlong. Specifically, Boyuan Tie was held in the Qing Palace before Nov. 22th, 1745.
Chih-Yin Yao, Chih-Jin Huang, Min-Chung Yu, Di Mu, and Wei-Chung Huang all mentioned that the postscript of “Yang Min-Shih” is different from that in She Xian, Shiqu Baoji, and Yu Qing Zhai Fa Tie held in the Qian Shou Tang, Tainan. The author argues that “Yang Min-Shih” was influenced by the Xian Chi calligraphy style of the late Ming Dynasty and the wide and broad concept of copy promoted by Chi-Chang Dong. Thus, the two “Yang Min-Shi” are the same person.
Regarding the debate over whether Ting Wu, Sin-Yu Wu, and Shing-Yu Wu are the same person, Di Mu and Wei-Chung Huang both claimed that Ting Wu is Sin-Yu Wu. But the present author argues that Ting Wu is not Sin-Yu Wu, Shing-Yu Wu, or Zen Wu. The author estimated that Ting Wu kept Boyuan Tie for no more than eight years, differing from Yu-Pu Tao’s estimation of “only for nine years.” In addition, the author believes that it is more credible that Boyuan Tie was first owned by Ting Wu and then by Sin-Yu Wu, differing from Di Mu’s view that it was fi rst owned by Sin-Yu Wu and then Ting Wu.
Finally, by comparing the postscripts of Yu Qing Zhai Fa Tie, Lan Cao Tie, and Huang Ting Ching Tie held in the Qian Shou Tang in Tainan, as well as other postscripts of Dong’s works, the author found traces of deliberate technique in the calligraphic version of Dong’s postscript. “Chang An” in the calligraphic version of Dong’s postscript indicates Beijing, the capital of the Qing Dynasty, not the “Jing Lin” mentioned by Di Mu, nor the “Chang An” mentioned by Wei-Chung Huang. Moreover, comparing Dong’s postscript in The Master Wuyong Scroll and The Zi Ming Scroll versions of Dwelling in the Fu-Chun Mountains by Kung-Wang Huang of the Yuan Dynasty confirmed that the postscript of Chi-Chang Dong in the calligraphic version of Boyuan Tie in the palace museum in Beijing is an imitation.
Keywords:Boyuan Tie, authenticity, Dwelling in the Fu-Chun Mountains, Chi-Chang Dong’s postscript
《Full Text》
References:
- 【唐】房玄齡等:《晉書•志第五》(北京市:中華書局,1974)。
- 【清】黃宗羲原撰,全祖望補修:《宋元學案》(北京市:中華書局,1986)。
- 【清】靳治荊等纂修:《歙縣志》(臺北市:成文書局據清康熙年間刊本影印,1985)。
- 【清】顧復:《平生壯觀》(上海市:上海古籍出版社,2011)。
- 上海博物館(編)。《中國書畫家印鑑款識》(北京市:文物出版社,1996)。
» More
- 【唐】房玄齡等:《晉書•志第五》(北京市:中華書局,1974)。
- 【清】黃宗羲原撰,全祖望補修:《宋元學案》(北京市:中華書局,1986)。
- 【清】靳治荊等纂修:《歙縣志》(臺北市:成文書局據清康熙年間刊本影印,1985)。
- 【清】顧復:《平生壯觀》(上海市:上海古籍出版社,2011)。
- 上海博物館(編)。《中國書畫家印鑑款識》(北京市:文物出版社,1996)。
- 于玉安。《中國歷代書法論著匯編》(天津市:天津古籍出版社,1999)。
- 中島皓象(編)。《何紹基字典》(天津市:天津人民美術出版社,2005)。
- 孔頊(主編)。《王珣伯遠帖》(吉林市:吉林文史出版社,2015)。
- 王小紅。〈《富春山居圖》原貌考〉,《書畫世界》,148期(2011):4-15。
- 王福權。〈《伯遠帖》釋文新論〉,《青少年書法》,14期(2011):48-49。
- 王靖憲。〈《大觀帖》敘略〉,《中國法帖全集》,啟功、王靖憲(武漢市:湖北美術出版社,2002),冊3,6。
- 古谷蒼韻(編)。《明清行草字典》(長沙市:湖南美術出版社,2009)。
- 白謙慎。《傅山的世界:17世紀中國書法的嬗變》(香港:生活•讀書•新知三聯書店,2006)。
- 任道斌。《董其昌繫年》(北京市:文物出版社,1988)。
- 光煦。〈明收藏家吳廷、吳楨〉,《上海博物館集刊》,1982年(1982):269。
- 西泠印社(編)。《西泠印社2015年春季拍賣會•中國古代書畫作品專場》(杭州市:西泠印社出版社,2015)。
- 何傳馨(主編)。《山水合璧—黃公望與富春山居圖特展》(臺北市:國立故宮博物院,2011)。
- 李玉珉、何炎泉、邱士華(編)。《妙合神離—董其昌書畫特展》(臺北市:國立故宮博物院,2016)。
- 李玉珉。〈董其昌的書畫鑒藏〉,載於《妙合神離—董其昌書畫特展》,李玉珉、何炎泉、邱士華(臺北市:國立故宮博物院,2016),288-318。
- 李郁周。〈〈祭姪稿〉中的「丹陽縣」與「仁兄」兩詞問題〉,《中華書道季刊》,54期(2006):10-18。
- 赤井清美(編)。《行草大字典》(東京都:東京堂出版,1998)。
- 余彥焱。〈《汝帖》述略〉,《中國法帖全集》,啟功、王靖憲(武漢市:湖北美術出版社,2002),冊4,17。
- 周軍。〈《富春山居圖》離散錄〉,《文史精華》,8期(2011):59-63。
- 周駿富(輯)。《明代傳記叢刊》(臺北市:明文書局,1991)。
- 東南光(編)。《宋四家書法字典》(北京市:中國青年出版社,1999)。
- 松清秀仙(編)。《吳昌碩書法字典》(北京市:中國青年出版社,1992)。
- 洪惠鎮。〈《富春山居圖•子明卷》疑系董其昌作偽〉,《國畫家雜誌》,4期(2011):2-5。
- 迪志文化出版有限公司(主編)。《文淵閣四庫全書電子版》(香港:迪志文化出版有限公司據臺灣商務印書館1986年《景印文淵閣四庫全書》版,2007)。
- 孫寶文(編)。《淳化閣帖》(肅府本)〈上海市:上海辭書出版社,2012〉。
- 徐邦達。《古書畫過眼要錄•晉隋唐五代宋書法壹》(北京市:紫禁城出版社,2005)。
- 張長虹。〈明末清初江南藝術市場與藝術交易人〉,《故宮博物院院刊》,2期(2006):20-50。
- 啟功、王靖憲(編)。《中國法帖全集》(武漢市:湖北美術出版社,2002)。
- 啟功。〈晉代人書信中的句逗〉,載於《啟功書法叢論》,啟功(北京市:文物出版社,2003),230-231。
- 啟功。〈從《戲鴻堂帖》看董其昌對法書的鑑定〉,載於《啟功書法叢論》,啟功(北京市:文物出版社,2003),76-80。
- 陳冠男。〈重探碑拓新價值─香港中大文物館「北山汲古─碑帖銘刻拓本」公開講座紀實〉,《典藏古美術》,279期(2015):124-127。
- 陶玉璞。〈「三希帖」於明清時期之流傳與誤傳〉,科技部補助專題研究計畫成果報告期末報告(南投縣:國立暨南國際大學中國語文學系(所),2016),MOST 103-2410-H-260-050-。
- 程渤。《明《餘清齋帖》研究》(南京市:南京師範大學,2004)。
- 黃惇。《中國書法全集》(北京市:榮寶齋出版社,2007)。
- 黃緯中。〈談現存《伯遠帖》後董其昌跋的真偽〉,《故宮文物月刊》,177期(1997):126-133。
- 楊臣彬。〈王珣《伯遠帖》〉,《紫禁城》,3期(1985):23-28。
- 楊廷福、楊同甫(編)。《明人室名別稱字號索引》(上海市:上海古籍出版社,2004)。
- 臺南謙受堂。《餘清齋法帖》(臺南謙受堂康益源藏品),未出版。
- 盧錫銘、宋浩、林放。〈兩卷跋文真偽考〉,《收藏/拍賣》,5期(2015):56-61。
- 穆棣。〈《伯遠帖》考〉,《故宮學術季刊》,16卷3期(1999):35-66。
- 穆棣。〈王珣《伯遠帖》真迹之謎解密〉,《書畫藝術》,6期(2002):24-31。
- 穆棣。〈論吳廷暨其《餘清齋法帖》〉,載於《明清書法史國際學術研討會論文集》華人德、葛鴻楨、王偉林(上海市:上海古籍出版社,2008),156。
- 蕭燕翼。〈黃公望繪畫的時空意義〉,載於《區域與網路─近千年來中國美術史研究國際學術研討會論文集》,張瑋真、羅麗華(臺北市:國立臺灣大學藝術史研究所,2001),171-192。